Echoes from a century ago

In 1906, Friedrich Wilhelm Voigt, a shoemaker and ex-convict, donned a military uniform of the Imperial German Army to begin The Captain of Köpenick saga. Appearing at the local barracks, he accosted four grenadiers and a sergeant, dismissing the commanding sergeant with a flea in his ear. Commandeering another half dozen soldiers from a shooting range, he took a train to Köpenick, east of Berlin, occupied the city hall and arrested the treasurer and the mayor. When the mayor challenged him for a warrant, Voigt replied, waving to the bayonets of the soldiery, “These are my authority.” He then ‘confiscated’ more than 4,000 marks, with a receipt (for this was an ‘official’ operation) made out in the name of his former jail warden. Not content with this, he used the clout conferred by his uniform to commandeer two railway carriages to transport the unfortunate civil servants under guard to a Berlin prison. He told the remaining guards to remain at their post for half an hour, departed for the train station, changed into civilian clothing and absconded.
Voigt didn’t remain on the lamb for long, being arrested ten days later and sentenced to four years imprisonment (commuted to two by Kaiser Wilhelm II, amused at the escapade like much of the German public). Voigt gained international notoriety too, The London Illustrated News commenting, “For years the Kaiser has been instilling into his people reverence for the omnipotence of militarism, of which the holiest symbol is the German uniform. Offences against this fetish have incurred condign punishment.”
Now, it is a common tactic of those opposed to the domineering tendencies of certain Israeli governmental policies to beard the supporters of these resultant actions with references, directly or indirectly, to the Third Reich. On the internet on unrelated subject matter, it is a dull tactic. When used in connection to Israel, it is understandably inflammatory and designed to provoke a furious response. Much of the criticism comes from those of left-wing sympathies whose internationalism induces feelings antipathy towards all nationalism and as even Israeli Labor party politicians are advocates of a nationalist approach, Israel becomes a magnet for their ire. That extremely right-wing people now head up the Israeli government adds fuel to this particular fire. Of course, there are some stupid people who cannot understand why Jews would be naturally supportive of Israel and this translates into anti-semitism, which is unacceptable but must not be blown out of proportion either to actual crimes – Jewish leaders are not themselves above referencing the Nazi period, one saying “this is the worst time since the 1930s.” Possibly but hyperbolic as well.
I have noticed a new ‘intelligent’ approach to criticising Israel gain traction, describing it as an ‘apartheid state’, seeking to cash in on the discredited system in South Africa (a dark interpretation could be that just as apartheid was consigned to the dustbin of history as morally unsustainable, them are some users who wish the same for Israel). I first heard this term about eight or nine years ago and Israeli peace campaigners agreed with it – now even US Secretary of State John Kerry unguardedly uses it as the future of Israel if it does not change course with its occupation of the West Bank.
It is inherently human to want to compare so as to better understand, but while making a connection with Nazis is most ill-advised and accusations of apartheid are used primarily as a way to offend Israelis and supporters of Israel, Wilhelmine Germany, I think, reflects the direction of travel for Tel-Aviv. Israel is a democracy (though its cynical boast about being the only democracy in the region was revealed as hollow in the Arab Spring when it made it clear its preference for the dictatorships that surrounded it) and so was the Empire of Germany (with constraints admittedly). A high level of economic development and a sophisticated culture combined with pride in a powerful army is evident in both, not to mention a high level of militarisation in society, with feelings of encirclement, contempt for neighbours and a sense that they should take matters into their own hands rather than agreeing to mediation.
As Israel employs conscription, the ability to be a conscientious objector is limited and being further curtailed as the Netanyahu administration, emboldened by a second term and a more stable coalition, gradually removes the opt-outs for Israeli Arabs and Jews who attend Orthodox seminaries (the latter proving such a drain on manpower, it is akin to the handicapping of recruitment into the armies of the Byzantine Empire by the vast number of the Constantinople’s subjects entering monasteries). It is against this backdrop that the Israeli government has banned membership of human rights group B’Tselem as an alternative to national service.
The director of the body responsible for non-military options for Israelis who don't want to serve in the Israeli Defence Force (IDF), Sar-Shalom Jerbi, told Channel 2 TV that B'Tselem had: “crossed the line in wartime [by] campaigning and inciting against the state of Israel and the Israel Defence Force, which is the most moral of armies.” Pretty much all of these claims are dubious, especially the latter – surely Switzerland, at peace for the past 200 years and not cooperating with any military alliance, has the most moral of armies, closely followed by Sweden, who has been neutral just as long but has held exercises with NATO. “The level of intimidation and the broadness of attacks on the organisation over the past three weeks is unprecedented in the 25-year history of B'Tselem,” Hagai el-Ad, executive director, said, citing death threats and attempts to violently attack employees, as well as an organised internet campaign against the group.
The IDF, as the guarantor of the physical existence of Israel, has led to it be the most venerated institution in Israeli society, abetted by so many sons and daughters serving in it for at least three years. Therefore criticism of the IDF is often interpreted as an attack by Israeli families on themselves. When the civilian administration is weak, as under Prime Minister Ehud Olmert (who achieved the impressive feat of 0% support in the polls during his tenure), the army takes matters into its own hands. In 2006, Gilad Shalit was captured by Hamas and the IDF bulldozed its way into Gaza, the bull to Hamas’ matador, who were having political problems but turned these on their head by resisting the Israeli ‘oppressor’. The Israeli government subordinated itself to the military. A month later, Hezbollah in Lebanon, rocking from popular resentment against them as Syrian stooges, saw the effectiveness of Hamas’ action and abducted some Israeli soldiers themselves. Continuing to display incredible stupidity that would never have been permitted by a strong prime minister (such as Ariel Sharon, Olmert’s predecessor, who suffered a stroke), the IDF barrel-rolled into Lebanon, transforming Hezbollah from zeroes to heroes – even Jewish commentators said it was not a wise war for the IDF to embark upon. During Operation Cast Lead incursion into Gaza in 2008, for the first three days the IDF were front-and-centre in fielding questions, the civilian authorities entirely silent. Unlike in Turkey, the IDF never needs to overthrow the democratically elected government because it is in its pocket and now the IDF has a soulmate in Binyamin Netanyahu who is as aggressive as they are and presides over a cabinet even more hawkish than he. Between 1948 and 2005, Israel fought six wars, when its existence was under threat. In the last eight years, it has fought five when existentialism has not been the basic issue.
Pointing out that the IDF are guilty of war crimes as much as Palestinian militants and valuing the lives of Palestinian children should be promoted in a vibrantly democratic culture. No-one should be above the law and everyone should be held to account for actions that injure or hurt others. The crowding out of contrary voices is a worrying development and B’Tselem has suffered for offending against the fetish for the IDF, incurring condign punishment. Given the militarisation of its society, it would not be a stretch to imagine something similar to The Captain of Köpenick happening in Israel and that is tragic.